1971 ).

it is estimated that thousands of black men

e had for OBntia-us . It’• in natuH.

History activity due in 16 hours

DUE IN 16 HOURS

HISTORY

INSTRUCTIONS ATTACHED

Response 1

Name

Course Name

Institution Name

Instructor’s Name

Date

1. Report-of-the-national-advisory-commission-on-civil-disorders-1968

2. native-American’s-occupy-Alcatraz

The first document was a report written by an 11-member committee appointed by the president to investigate the civil unrest which was being witnessed in parts of America especially Detroit, New Jersey and Michigan. The commission was also known as the Kerner commission because the then President Lyndon Johnson appointed the then Illinois governor Otto Kerner to chair the commission. The second document I chose was mainly drafted by Adam Fortunate Eagle who belonged to the Ojibwa nation.

Both documents talk about discrimination and civil disobedience as a result of the discrimination. The Kerner commission summary report talks about the origin of the violence and how what was happening can be prevented from happening again. The introduction of the report states: “The summer of 1967 again brought racial disorders to American cities, and with them shock, fear and bewilderment to the nation”. Engle, M. (2019). There were many disagreements between the many Americans and black men, blaming each other on the violence. The main goal of the Kerner commission was to set the record straight on what was the cause. The report is an answer to 3 different questions: what was happening? Why did it happen? And what measures can be taken to prevent it from happening again?

The second document talks about the demands of the Native Americans and why occupied Alcatraz. The letter was addressed to “the Great White Father and All His People”. They were writing to the whites to re-claim their land by right of discovery. The letter stated that the Alcatraz land was more suitable for Indian-Americans as “determined by the white man’s standards”. Some of the reasons for the suitability were it was isolated from modern facilities, lack of fresh running water, no sanitation facilities, no educational facilities and other bad reasons that the whites saw it fit for native American’s. Adam Fortunate wanted separation from the whites and a place to only offer Native American studies.

3) How do they relate to the chapter reading you did?

These documents and this chapter relate in a very important way. These documents confirms studies from the chapter that African-Americans and Native-Americans underwent discrimination from both the hands of the government and the whites.

The Kerner report and the Native Americans occupation of Alcatraz both show discrimination against gender by the whites. They also relate in the way both of them responded to discrimination and unequal rights and justice. Both of them chose the same approach to gain attention from the government. They both experienced unfair policing practices, high unemployment, culturally embedded forms of racial discrimination, flawed justice system and unscrupulous consumer credit practices. The response by the federal government was also similar in both cases. The government sent law enforcement agencies to deal with the unrests which eventually turned violent.

There are several questions that have arisen from these documents and their connection to this chapter. Why were cases of civil disobedience only common to the United States? Was it because there was a large number of African-Americans? Or was it because the government was not doing enough to stop discrimination. Till today there are similar cases of discrimination and civil unrest in America.

References

Engle, M. (2019). The Native American Occupation of Alcatraz Island: Radio and Rhetoric. Pursuit-The Journal of Undergraduate Research at the University of Tennessee9(1), 5.

Gillham, P. F., & Marx, G. T. (2018). Changes in the policing of civil disorders since the Kerner Report: The police response to Ferguson, August 2014, and some implications for the twenty-first century. RSF: The Russell Sage Foundation Journal of the Social Sciences4(6), 122-143.

Running Head: DISCUSSION

DISCUSSION

Discussion

Institutional Affiliation

Student’s name

Discussion

Gender equality provides equal opportunities for both men and women, women who are the ones facing gender discrimination mostly would have a chance of having equal privileges and responsibilities with men or rather have had since 1966. Gender inequality has bounded women to tertiary education for a long time while the male gender exploited all the workforce opportunities. The new era of gender equality has brought forth the privilege of women transiting from tertiary education to workforce education in an equal rate to the men. This has been productive to the country’s economy at large as now the workforce rate has increased and input is as much as double. Individually it has helped the women to sustain themselves and become independent, unlike when they used to depend on their male counterparts for support.

Women have also had the chance of assuming leadership positions in both businesses and in organizations. Well, the results have been good with approximately 30% of businesses being led by women. Out of these 15% have been more profitable than those headed by men which has proved them of being capable of leadership (Harford 2018). This is again an advantage to the economy of the country and to the well being of women as they again tend to sustain themselves. Gender equality has consequently led to equal education for all, both men and women. In the recent years, the number of women graduating from school has been increasing indicating how well women have seized this privilege and how gender inequality had stopped them from unlocking their potential. Equal education has led to women increasing their qualification chances to match those of men and hence increasing their chances as well of seizing professional chances equally to men.

REFERENCE

Harford, J. (2018). The perspectives of women professors on the professoriate: A missing piece in the narrative on gender equality in the university. Education Sciences, 8(2), 50.

Ovseiko, P. V., Chapple, A., Edmunds, L. D., & Ziebland, S. (2017). Advancing gender equality through the Athena SWAN Charter for Women in Science: an exploratory study of women’s and men’s perceptions. Health research policy and systems, 15(1), 1-13.

Running Head: DISCUSSION

DISCUSSION

Discussion

Institutional Affiliation

Student’s name

Discussion

The case of Brown v. Board of Education brought out the issue on ‘Separate but equal’. In as much as there would be equal distribution of resources, this does not rule separation but equal to be constitutional. It brings a sense of minority to the blacks who are being segregated, the already existence of racial discrimination against the blacks in the United States resultantly has an adverse effect on relations in the country and with other countries as well (TerBeek 2021). Separation of races is a form of discrimination which is too against the United Nations policy; the United States has been facing constant attack from UN due to such cases of discrimination which are deemed as unconstitutional.

The notion was also ruled as unconstitutional for public schools in America and tye whole education system in general as it created opportunities for integrations and was to be a major victory for the civil movements fighting for human rights. The ruling was also to stand as a future model for many other impact litigation. In areas where racial segregation was deeply entrenched like Deep South in the south of United States, the reaction to Brown by the white people was ‘stubborn and noisy’. The resultant reaction by the political leaders and government was a massive resistance plan which was mainly to de-segregate school systems and have students from both races studying in the same facility. The happenings just like the ruling were confirmed to be unconstitutional following the ruling in the case of Cooper v. Aaron whereby it was ruled that the legislators and state officials had no power whatsoever to nullify its ruling.

REFERENCE

TerBeek, C. (2021). “Clocks Must Always Be Turned Back”: Brown v. Board of Education and the Racial Origins of Constitutional Originalism. American Political Science Review, 1-14.

1

Name

Institution

Course

Professor

June 11th, 2021

1) Who wrote these two documents?

The first article America’s “Moving People” of 1940 was written by Bertha McCall who was a general director of the National Travelers aid Association.

The second document “Family walking on a highway” 1936 was written by Dorothea Lange who worked as a photographer for the works progress administration.

2) What are they about?

Bertha McCall in her document outlines the history of moving people in the United States. It was not a new problem in the country because migration has been happened from time to time. Increased drought, flood, and war make individuals move to find hope elsewhere. People whose roots are not in the United States are given strange names like; transient, migrants, immigrants, travelers among others. Two years of economic decline leading to the closure of industries, loss of jobs, and closure of shops seemed to be permanent. Families during this time did not have enough to live for causing a significant transient of the population.

The second article talks about the walking family. A family with five children was pictured walking on a highway. The father of the children was a farmer who got sick of pneumonia and ended up losing his farm. He was unable to take on work projects administration. He refused county relief for fifteen years because of temporary residence in another county after a short illness.

3) How do they relate to the chapter reading you did?

The two articles link well with the chapter in this reading because they show the economic times that existed in the United States during the great depression. The county was exposed to economic hardships and many people suffered from this situation.

4) How do they relate to each other?

The two articles show how people during this time could not afford their lives. Families were forced to move to new places hoping they will find fortune elsewhere. Many people were rendered jobless after the closure of industries and small business centers.

5) What are some questions you have after reading these two documents?

What was the role of the government in the great depression?

What are the best ways to save an economy from crippling?

What is the role of the people in saving a crumbling economy?


References


Bertha McCall America’s “Moving People” (1940). https://www.americanyawp.com/reader/23-the-great-depression/bertha-mccall-on-americas-moving-people-1940/

Dorothea Lange Family Walking on Highway (1936). https://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/2017770606/

The American Yawp Reader

28. The Unraveling

Warren K. Leffler, Demonstrators opposed to the ERA in front of the White House, 1977, via 

Library of Congress

.

 

 

· Introduction

· Documents

· Media

Introduction

While many Americans in the 1970s continued to celebrate the political and cultural achievements of the previous decade, a more anxious, conservative mood grew across the nation. For some, the United States had not gone nearly far enough to promote greater social equality; for others, the nation had gone too far, unfairly trampling the rights of one group to promote the selfish needs of another. Onto these brewing dissatisfactions the 1970s dumped the divisive remnants of a failed war, the country’s greatest political scandal, and an intractable economic crisis. As the following sources lay bare, it seemed as if the nation was ready to unravel.

 

Documents

1. Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (1968)

Riots rocked American cities in the mid-late sixties. Hundreds died, thousands were injured, and thousands of buildings were destroyed. Many communities never recovered. In 1967, devastating riots, particularly in Detroit, Michigan, and Newark, New Jersey, captivated national television audiences. President Lyndon Johnson appointed an 11-person commission, chaired by Illinois Governor Otto Kerner, to explain the origins of the riots and recommend policies to prevent them in the future.

2. Statement by John Kerry of Vietnam Veterans Against the War (1971)

On April 23, 1971, a young Vietnam veteran named John Kerry spoke on behalf of the Vietnam Veterans Against the War before the Senate Committee of Foreign Relations. Kerry, later a Massachusetts Senator and 2004 presidential contender, articulated a growing disenchantment with the Vietnam War and delivered a blistering indictment of the reasoning behind its prosecution.

3. Nixon Announcement of China Visit (1971)

Richard Nixon, who built his political career on anti-communism, worked from the first day of his presidency to normalize relations with the communist People’s Republic of China. In 1971, Richard Nixon announced that he would make an unprecedented visit there to advance American-Chinese relations. Here, he explains his intentions.

4. Barbara Jordan, 1976 Democratic National Convention Keynote Address (1976)

On July 12, 1976, Texas Congresswoman Barbara Jordan delivered the keynote address at the Democratic National Convention. As Americans sensed a fracturing of American life in the 1970s, Jordan called for Americans to commit themselves to a “national community” and the “common good.” Jordan began by noting she was the first Black woman to ever deliver a keynote address at a major party convention and that such a thing would have been almost impossible even a decade earlier.

5. Jimmy Carter, “Crisis of Confidence” (1979)

On July 15, 1979, amid stagnant economic growth, high inflation, and an energy crisis, Jimmy Carter delivered a televised address to the American people. In it, Carter singled out a pervasive “crisis of confidence” preventing the American people from moving the country forward. A year later, Ronald Reagan would frame his optimistic political campaign in stark contrast to the tone of Carter’s speech, which would be remembered, especially by critics, as the “malaise speech.”

6. Gloria Steinem on Equal Rights for Women (1970)

 The first Congressional hearing on the equal rights amendment (ERA) was held in 1923, but the push for the amendment stalled until the 1960s, when a revived women’s movement thrust it again into the national consciousness. Congress passed and sent to the states for ratification the ERA on March 22, 1972. But it failed, stalling just three states short of the required three-fourths needed for ratification. Despite popular support for the amendment, activists such as Phyllis Schlafly outmaneuvered the amendment’s supporters. In 1970, author Gloria Steinem argued that such opposition was rooted in outmoded ideas about gender.

7. Native Americans Occupy Alcatraz (1969)

 In November 1969, Native American activists occupied Alcatraz Island and held it for nineteen months to bring attention to past injustices and contemporary issues confronting Native Americans, as state in this proclamation, drafted largely by Adam Fortunate Eagle of the Ojibwa Nation.

 

Media

New York City Subway (1973)

Erik Calonius, “Many Subway Cars in New York City Have Been Spray-Painted by Vandals” 1973. Via National Archives (8464439).

 

“Urban Decay” confronted Americans of the 1960s and 1970s. As the economy sagged and deindustrialization hit much of the country, many Americans associated major cities with poverty and crime. In this 1973 photo, two subway riders sit amid a graffitied subway car in New York City.

“Stop ERA” Protest (1977)

Warren K. Leffler, Demonstrators opposed to the ERA in front of the White House, 1977, via 

Library of Congress

.

 

In the 1970s, conservative Americans defeated the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA). With high approval ratings, the ERA–which declared, “Equality of rights under the law shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or any state on account of sex”—seemed destined to pass swiftly through state legislatures and become the Twenty-Seventh Amendment, but conservative opposition stopped the Amendment just short of ratification.

The American Yawp Reader

Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka (1954)

Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka (1954)

In 1896, the United States Supreme Court declared in Plessy v. Ferguson that the doctrine of “separate but equal” was constitutional. In 1954, the United States Supreme Court overturned that decision and ruled unanimously against school segregation.

These cases come to us from the state of Kansas, South Carolina, Virginia, and Delaware. They are premised on different facts and different local conditions, but a common legal question justifies their consideration together in this consolidated opinion.

In each of the cases, minors of the Negro race, through their legal representatives, seek the aid of the courts in obtaining admission to the public schools of their community on a nonsegregated basis. In each instance, they had been denied admission to schools attended by white children under laws requiring or permitting segregation according to race. This segregation was alleged to deprive the plaintiffs of the equal protection of the laws under the Fourteenth Amendment. In each of the cases other than the Delaware case, a three-judge federal district court denied relief to the plaintiffs on the so-called “separate but equal” doctrine announced by this court in Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537. Under that doctrine, equality of treatment is accorded when the races are provided substantially equal facilities, even though these facilities be separate. …

The plaintiffs contend that segregated public schools are not “equal” and cannot be made “equal,” and that hence they are deprived of the equal protection of the laws. Because of the obvious importance of the question presented, the court took jurisdiction. Argument was heard in the 1952 term, and reargument was heard this term on certain questions propounded by the court.

Today, education is perhaps the most important function of state and local governments. Compulsory school attendance laws and the great expenditures for education both demonstrate our recognition of the importance of education to our democratic society. It is required in the performance of our most basic public responsibilities, even service in the armed forces. It is the very foundation of good citizenship. Today it is a principal instrument in awakening the child to cultural values, in preparing him for later professional training, and in helping him to adjust normally to his environment. In these days, it is doubtful that any child may reasonably be expected to succeed in life if he is denied the opportunity of an education. Such an opportunity, where the state has undertaken to provide it, is a right which must be made available to all on equal terms.

We come then to the question presented: Does segregation of children in public schools solely on the basis of race, even though the physical facilities and other “tangible” factors may be equal, deprive the children of the minority group of equal educational opportunities? We believe that it does.

In Sweatt v. Painter, supra, in finding that a segregated law school for Negroes could not provide them equal educational opportunities, this court relied in large part on “those qualities which are incapable of objective measurement but which make for greatness in a law school.” In McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents, supra, the court, in requiring that a Negro admitted to a white graduate school be treated like all other students, again resorted to intangible considerations: “ … His ability to study, to engage in discussions and exchange views with other students, and, in general, to learn his profession.” Such considerations apply with added force to children in grade and high schools. To separate them from others of similar age and qualifications solely because of their race generates a feeling of inferiority as to their status in the community that may affect their hearts and minds in a way unlikely ever to be undone. The effect of this separation on their educational opportunities was well stated by the finding in the Kansas case by a court which nevertheless felt compelled to rule against the Negro plaintiffs:

“Segregation of white and colored children in public schools has a detrimental effect upon the colored children. The impact is greater when it has the sanction of the law; for the policy of separating the races is usually interpreted as denoting the inferiority of the Negro group. A sense of inferiority affects the motivation of a child to learn. Segregation with the sanction of law, therefore, has a tendency to [retard] the educational and mental development of Negro children and to deprive them of some of the benefits they would receive in a racially integrated school system.”

Whatever may have been the extent of psychological knowledge at the time of Plessy v. Ferguson, this finding is amply supported by modern authority. Any language in Plessy v. Ferguson contrary to this finding is rejected.

We conclude that in the field of public education the doctrine of “separate but equal” has no place. Separate educational facilities are inherently unequal. Therefore, we hold that the plaintiffs and others similarly situated for whom the actions have been brought are, by reason of the segregation complained of, deprived of the equal protection of the laws guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment. …

Because these are class actions, because of the wide applicability of this decision, and because of the great variety of local conditions, the formulation of decrees in these cases presents problems of considerable complexity. On reargument, the consideration of appropriate relief was necessarily subordinated to the primary question — the constitutionality of segregation in public education. We have now announced that such segregation is a denial of the equal protection of the laws. …

[Source: Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954). Available online via National Archives (https://www.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?flash=true&doc=87&page=transcript).]

The American Yawp Reader

National Organization for Women, “Statement of Purpose” (1966)

National Organization for Women, “Statement of Purpose” (1966)

The National Organization for Women was founded in 1966 by prominent American feminists, including Betty Friedan, Shirley Chisolm, and others. The organization’s “statement of purpose” laid out the goals of the organization and the targets of its feminist vision.

We, men and women, who hereby constitute ourselves as the National Organization for Women, believe that the time has come for a new movement toward true equality for all women in America, and toward a fully equal partnership of the sexes, as part of the world-wide revolution of human rights now taking place within and beyond our national borders.

The purpose of NOW is to take action to bring women into full participation in the mainstream of American society now, exercising all the privileges and responsibilities thereof in truly equal partnership with men.

We believe the time has come to move beyond the abstract argument, discussion and symposia over the status and special nature of women which has raged in America in recent years; the time has come to confront, with concrete action, the conditions that now prevent women from enjoying the equality of opportunity and freedom of which is their right, as individual Americans, and as human beings.

NOW is dedicated to the proposition that women, first and foremost, are human beings, who like all other people in our society, must have the chance to develop their fullest human potential. We believe that women can achieve such equality only by accepting to the full the challenges and responsibilities they share with all other people in our society, as part of the decision-making mainstream of American political, economic and social life.

We organize to initiate or support action, nationally, or in any part of this nation, by individuals or organizations, to break through the silken curtain of prejudice and discrimination against women in government, industry, and professions, the churches, the political parties, the judiciary, the labor unions, in education, science, medicine, law, religion and every other field of importance in American society. Enormous changes taking place in our society make it both possible and urgently necessary to advance the unfinished revolution of women toward true equality now. With a life span lengthened to nearly 75 years it is no longer either necessary or possible for women to devote the greatest part of their lives to child-rearing; yet childbearing and rearing which continues to be a most important part of most women’s lives — still is used to justify barring women from equal professional and economic participation and advance.

Despite all the talk about the status of American women in recent years, the actual position of women in the United States has declined, and is declining, to an alarming degree throughout the 1950’s and ’60s. Although 46.4% of all American women between the ages of 18 and 65 now work outside the home, the overwhelming majority — 75% — are in routine clerical, sales, or factory jobs, or they are household workers, cleaning women, hospital attendants. About two-thirds of Negro women workers are in the lowest paid service occupations. Working women are becoming increasingly — not less — concentrated on the bottom of the job ladder. As a consequence, full-time women workers today earn on the average only 60% of what men earn, and that wage gap has been increasing over the past twenty-five years in every major industry group. In 1964, of all women with a yearly income, 89% earned under $5,000 a year; behalf of all full-time year round women workers earned less than $3,690; only 1.4% of full-time year round women workers had an annual income of $10,000 or more.

Further, with higher education increasingly essential in today’s society, too few women are entering and finishing college or going on to graduate or professional school. Today, women earn only one in three of the B.A.’s and M.A’s granted, and one in ten of the Ph.D.’s.

In all the professions considered of importance to society, and in the executive ranks of industry and government, women are losing ground. Where they are present it is only a token handful. Women comprise less than 1% of federal judges; less than 4% of all lawyers; 7% of doctors. Yet women represent 51% of the U.S. population. And, increasingly men are replacing women in the top positions in secondary and elementary schools, in social work, and in libraries — once thought to be women’s fields.

Official pronouncements of the advance in the status of women hide not only the reality of this dangerous decline, but the fact that nothing is being done to stop it. …

Discrimination in employment on the basis of sex is now prohibited by federal law, in Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. …The Commission has not made clear its intention to enforce the law with the same seriousness on behalf of women as of other victims of discrimination. … Until now, too few women’s organizations and official spokesmen have been willing to speak out against these dangers facing women. Too many women have been restrained by the fear of being called “feminist.”

There is no civil rights movement to speak for women, as there has been for Negroes and other victims of discrimination. The National Organization for Women must therefore begin to speak.

We believe that the power of American law, and the protection guaranteed by the U.S. Constitution to the civil rights of all individuals, must be effectively applied and enforced to isolate and remove patterns of sex discrimination, to ensure equality of opportunity in employment and education, and equality of civil and political rights and responsibilities on behalf of women, as well as for Negroes and other deprived groups.

We realize that women’s problems are linked to many broader questions of social justice; their solution will require concerted action by many groups. Therefore, convinced that human rights for all are indivisible, we expect to give active support to the common cause of equal rights for all those who suffer discrimination and deprivation, and we call upon other organizations committed to such goals to support our efforts toward equality for women.

We believe that this nation has a capacity at least as great as other nations, to innovate new social institutions which will enable women to enjoy true equality of opportunity and responsibility in society, without conflict with their responsibilities as mothers and homemakers…. Above all, we reject the assumption that these problems are the unique responsibility of each individual woman, rather than a basic social dilemma which society must solve. True equality of opportunity and freedom of choice for women requires such practical, and possible innovations as a nationwide network of child-care center which will make in unnecessary for women to retire completely from society until their children are grown, and national programs to provide retraining for women who have chosen the care for their own children full-time.

In the interest of the human dignity of women, we will protest, and endeavor to change, the false image of women now prevalent in the mass media, and in the texts, ceremonies, laws, and practices of our major social institutions. Such images perpetuate contempt for women by society and by women for themselves. We are similarly opposed to all policies and practices — in church, state, college, factory, or office which, in the guise of protectiveness, not only deny opportunities but also foster in women self-denigration, dependence, and evasion of responsibility, undermine their confidence in their own abilities and foster contempt for women.

We believe that women will do most to create a new image of women by acting now, and by speaking out in behalf of their own equality, freedom, and human dignity — not in pleas for special privilege, nor in enmity toward men, who are also victims of the current, half-equality between the sexes — but in an active, self-respecting partnership with men. By so doing, women will develop confidence in their own ability to determine actively, in partnership with men, the conditions of their life, their choices, their future and their society.

[Source: National Organization for Women, “Statement of Purpose” (October 29, 1966). Available online via The National Organization for Women (http://now.org/about/history/statement-of-purpose/).]

Discussions

Jane Addams Discussion

Settlement houses encompassed organizations that offered support services to the urban poor to uplift this population. The settlement houses reflected a commitment to social reform. Between the 1890s and 1900s, many settlements house were established in response to the growing urban poor in the American cities (Addams, 1892). These settlement houses provided services to uplift the urban poor population. A majority of the settlement houses created in this time are still thriving today, aiding in solving social and industrial issues resulting from modern conditions of life. The support services that the settlement houses provided by different government agencies where people can access. 

Wilson’s War Message Discussion

Wilson advocated for U.S involvement in WWI as a response to the attack on the American society following the sinking of the American ships, loss of American lives in the war, and fight for the ultimate peace of the world (Wilson, 1917). The German submarine attack on American ships was the primary motivation behind Wilson’s call for the U.S to enter into WWI. If I were in this Congress, I would have voted to go to war with Germany. The U.S has always been a champion for the protection of human rights, and Germany was violating human rights (Wilson, 1917). Besides, peace must exist for democracy to flourish. Thus, going to war with Germany was important to bring about peace and promote democracy. 

Marcus Garvey Discussion


Garvey notes that the world is divided into separate racial groups, and the time has come for the Africans to come together and work towards a shared purpose which is bettering their condition. Disunity among the Negros is a big problem, and nothing can be achieved without unity, thereby uniting the Negros is a priority (Garvey, 1921). Marcus Garbey suggests that unity is the way to building and achieving prosperity for the Negros. This is contrary to Booker T Washington’s argument for accumulating industrial skills and business ownership to uplift the blacks and W.E.B. Du Bois’ argument that education for the most talented and bring individuals is the way to uplift blacks (Washington, 1895 & Du Bois, 1903). Garbey’s unity suggestion is great as it would enable the black people to come together and work as one towards uplifting themselves and improving their conditions. 

References


Booker T. Washington & W.E.B. DuBois on Black Progress (1895, 1903).



Marcus Garvey, “Explanation of the Objects of the Universal Negro Improvement Association” (1921).

Jane Addams, “The Subjective Necessity for Social Settlements” (1892).

Woodrow Wilson Requests War (April 2, 1917).

2


American History

Name

Institution

Course

Date due

American History

James D. Phelan wrote the article “Why the Chinese Should Be Excluded” to support continues prohibition of Chinese immigration. In 1882 and 1992, the Chinese Exclusion Act was passed, and, in this article, Phelan expresses racist ideas common among the whites at the time. The article “Chinese Immigrants Confront Anti-Chinese Prejudice (1885, 1903)” gives an account of Mary Pate and Lee Chew’s experiences of prejudice based on their nationality. 

The article by Phelan (1901) is about providing arguments for the exclusion of the Chinese in American society. Exclusion addresses the menace of Chinese immigration to the U.S that threatens the country. The article presents that Chinese immigration presents a threat to the country. It threatens the foundations of law and order by sparking outbursts to protect job losses to Chinese people who offer cheap labor. Also, for self-protection purposes, exclusion of Chinese is necessary to prevent serious disorders that affect American politics and protect the white population. Chinese people are a threat to American society, civilization, and thus, not good citizens. Accounts of Mary Tape and Lee Chew show the prejudice that Chinese immigrants confront in American society. Mary Tape’s daughter was denied entry into a public school in California and was forced to enroll at a segregated Chinese school. Lee Chew describes the insults and frauds just for being a Chinese immigrant. Chinese people faced harassment from the whites, breaking their windows. Treatment of Chinese people in the U.S is mean and unjust. 

Chapter 19 of the American Yawp discusses interventions that shaped American society. In particular, the two articles related to immigration as discussed in this chapter. In the late 19th and early 20th century, millions of immigrants migrated to the U.S, and there was strong opposition by natives to this mass immigration. The article by Phelan present support for this opposition and reflect on the racial hostility towards the Chinese people in California at the time. The accounts of Mary Pate and Lee Chew show how the Americans responded to the mass immigration to the U.S. Therefore, these two articles present how Americans responded to immigrants in the U.S, especially the Chinese.

Also, the two articles relate to each other. The article by Phelan provides the fears of the American people over increased Chinese immigrants. The main cited argument for excluding the Chinese related to employment as these immigrants took away jobs meant for Americans. The second article presents American’s response to these fears, anti-Chinese sentiments placing Chinese people at a disadvantage with regard to access to public schools and employment in the skilled sector and harassment. 

After reading these two sources, some major questions arise:

1. What was the primary impact of the Chinese Exclusion Act on the Chinese people and American society?

2. What was the significance of the Tape v. Hurley (1885) case? 

3. What other unjust treatment did Chinese immigrants face at the time?

References

Tape, M., & Chew, L. Chinese Immigrants Confront Anti-Chinese Prejudice (1885, 1903)


Phelan, J. D. (1901). Why the Chinese Should Be Excluded. The North American Review173(540), 663-676.


Jane Addams Discussion

No unread replies.No replies.

All primary discussion posts must be 100 words or more and at least 75 words when you are replying to another student and you must reply to at least one student.

 

What is it that settlement houses do? Why did we need them in the 1890s and early 1900s according to Addams? Where would we get these services today?

Wilson’s War Message Discussion

No unread replies.No replies.

All primary discussion posts must be 100 words or more and at least 75 words when you are replying to another student and you must reply to at least one student.

 

Why do we need to get involved in World War I, according to Wilson? If you were sitting in Congress, listening to this speech, how would you have voted on war with Germany? Why?

Marcus Garvey Discussion

No unread replies.No replies.

All primary discussion posts must be 100 words or more and at least 75 words when you are replying to another student and you must reply to at least one student.

 

What is Marcus Garvey’s message in two sentences? How does this compare to Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. Du Bois? Do his suggestions make sense? Why or why not?

The American Yawp Reader

Jane Addams, “The Subjective Necessity for Social Settlements” (1892)

Jane Addams, “The Subjective Necessity for Social Settlements” (1892)

Hull House, Chicago’s famed “settlement house,” was designed to uplift urban populations. Here, Addams explains why she believes reformers must “add the social function to democracy.” As Addams explained, Hull House “was opened on the theory that the dependence of classes on each other is reciprocal.”

It is not difficult to see that although America is pledged to the democratic ideal, the view of democracy has been partial, and that its best achievement thus far has been pushed along the line of the franchise. Democracy has made little attempt to assert itself in social affairs. We have refused to move beyond the position of its eighteenth-century leaders, who believed that political equality alone would secure all good to all men. We conscientiously followed the gift of the ballot hard upon the gift of freedom to the negro, but we are quite unmoved by the fact that he lives among us in a practical social ostracism. We hasten to give the franchise to the immigrant from a sense of justice, from a tradition that he ought to have it, while we dub him with epithets deriding his past life or present occupation ….

… Our consciences are becoming tender in regard to the lack of democracy in social affairs. We are perhaps entering upon the second phase of democracy …. The social organism has broken down through large districts of our great cities. Many of the people living there are very poor, the majority of them without leisure or energy for anything but the gain of subsistence. … Practically nothing is done to remedy this. … Their ideas and resources are cramped. The desire for higher social pleasure is extinct. They have no share in the traditions and social energy which make for progress. Too often their only place of meeting is a saloon, their only host a bartender; a local demagogue forms their public opinion. Men of ability and refinement, of social power and university cultivation, stay away from them. Personally, I believe the men who lose most are those who thus stay away. But the paradox is here: when cultivated people do stay away from a certain portion of the population, when all social advantages are persistently withheld, it may be for years, the result itself is pointed at as a reason, is used as an argument, for the continued withholding.

It is inevitable that those who feel most keenly this insincerity and partial living should be our young people, our so-called educated young people who accomplish little toward the solution of this social problem, and who bear the brunt of being cultivated into unnourished, oversensitive lives. They have been shut off from the common labor by which they live and which is a great source of moral and physical health. They feel a fatal want of harmony between their theory and their lives, a lack of co-ordination between thought and action. I think it is hard for us to realize how seriously many of them are taking to the notion of human brotherhood, how eagerly they long to give tangible expression to the democratic ideal. These young men and women, longing to socialize their democracy, are animated by certain hopes.

These hopes may be loosely formulated thus: that if in a democratic country nothing can he permanently achieved save through the masses of the people, it will be impossible to establish a higher political life than the people themselves crave; that it is difficult to see how the notion of a higher civic life can be fostered save through common intercourse; that the blessings which we associate with a life of refinement and cultivation can be made universal and must be made universal if they are to be permanent; that the good we secure for ourselves is precarious and uncertain, is floating in mid-air, until it is secured for all of us and incorporated into our common life.

… I have seen young girls suffer and grow sensibly lowered in vitality in the first years after they leave school. In our attempt then to give a girl pleasure and freedom from care we succeed, for the most part, in making her pitifully miserable. She finds “life” so different from what she expected it to be. She is besotted with innocent little ambitions, and does not understand this apparent waste of herself, this elaborate preparation, if no work is provided for her. There is a heritage of noble obligation which young people accept and long to perpetuate. The desire for action, the wish to right wrong and alleviate suffering, haunts them daily. …

We have in America a fast-growing number of cultivated young people who have no recognized outlet for their active faculties. They bear constantly of the great social maladjustment, but no way is provided for them to change it, and their uselessness bangs about them heavily. … We are fast feeling the pressure of the need and meeting the necessity for Settlements in America. Our young people feel nervously the need of putting theory into action, and respond quickly to the Settlement form of activity. …

The Settlement then, is an experimental effort to aid in the solution of the social and industrial problems which are engendered by the modern conditions of life in a great city. …

 

[Source: Jane Addams, “The Subjective Necessity for Social Settlements,” in Twenty Years at Hull House.]

The American Yawp Reader

Woodrow Wilson Requests War (April 2, 1917)

Woodrow Wilson Requests War (April 2, 1917)

In this speech before Congress, President Woodrow Wilson made the case for America’s entry into World War I.

1I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because there are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made immediately …

2The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind. It is a war against all nations. American ships have been sunk, American lives taken in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of; but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way. There has been no discrimination. The challenge is to all mankind.

3Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it. The choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of counsel and a temperateness of judgment befitting our character and our motives as a nation. We must put excited feeling away. Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human right, of which we are only a single champion.

4With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German government to be in fact nothing less than war against the government and people of the United States; that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it; and that it take immediate steps, not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the government of the German Empire to terms and end the war.

5While we do these things, these deeply momentous things, let us be very clear, and make very clear to all the world, what our motives and our objects are. …

6Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power and to set up among the really free and self-governed peoples of the world such a concert of purpose and of action as will henceforth ensure the observance of those principles. Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic governments backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neutrality in such circumstances. We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and of responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states.

7… We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience.

8The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them.

9Just because we fight without rancor and without selfish object, seeking nothing for ourselves but what we shall wish to share with all free peoples, we shall, I feel confident, conduct our operations as belligerents without passion and ourselves observe with proud punctilio the principles of right and of fair play we profess to be fighting for.

10It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves as belligerents in a high spirit of right and fairness because we act without animus, not in enmity toward a people or with the desire to bring any injury or disadvantage upon them, but only in armed opposition to an irresponsible government which has thrown aside all considerations of humanity and of right and is running amuck. We are, let me say again, the sincere friends of the German people, and shall desire nothing so much as the early reestablishment of intimate relations of mutual advantage between us—however hard it may be for them, for the time being, to believe that this is spoken from our hearts.

11It is a distressing and oppressive duty, gentlemen of the Congress, which I have performed in thus addressing you. There are, it may be, many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be in the balance. But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts—for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world itself at last free.

12To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. God helping her, she can do no other.

 

Source: Woodrow Wilson, Americanism: Woodrow Wilson’s Speeches on the War—Why He Made Them—and—What They Have Done, edited by Oliver Marble Gale (Chicago: Baldwin, 1918) 36-44.

Google Books

The American Yawp Reader

Marcus Garvey, Explanation of the Objects of the Universal Negro Improvement Association (1921)

Marcus Garvey, Explanation of the Objects of the Universal Negro Improvement Association (1921)

Inspired by the writings of Booker T. Washington, Jamaican-born Marcus Garvey became the most prominent Black Nationalist in the United States. He championed the back-to-Africa movement, advocated for Black-owned businesses—he founded the Black Star Line, a transnational shipping company—and founded the Universal Negro Improvement Association. Thousands of UNIA chapters formed all across the world. In 1921, Garvey recorded a message in a New York studio explaining the object of the UNIA.

Fellow citizens of Africa, I greet you in the name of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League of the World. You may ask, “what organization is that?” It is for me to inform you that the Universal Negro Improvement Association is an organization that seeks to unite, into one solid body, the four hundred million Negroes in the world. To link up the fifty million Negroes in the United States of America, with the twenty million Negroes of the West Indies, the forty million Negroes of South and Central America, with the two hundred and eighty million Negroes of Africa, for the purpose of bettering our industrial, commercial, educational, social, and political conditions.

As you are aware, the world in which we live today is divided into separate race groups and distinct nationalities. Each race and each nationality is endeavoring to work out its own destiny, to the exclusion of other races and other nationalities. We hear the cry of “England for the Englishman,” of “France for the Frenchman,” of “Germany for the German,” of “Ireland for the Irish,” of “Palestine for the Jew,” of “Japan for the Japanese,” of “China for the Chinese.”

We of the Universal Negro Improvement Association are raising the cry of “Africa for the Africans,” those at home and those abroad. There are 400 million Africans in the world who have Negro blood coursing through their veins, and we believe that the time has come to unite these 400 million people toward the one common purpose of bettering their condition.

The great problem of the Negro for the last 500 years has been that of disunity. No one or no organization ever succeeded in uniting the Negro race. But within the last four years, the Universal Negro Improvement Association has worked wonders. It is bringing together in one fold four million organized Negroes who are scattered in all parts of the world. Here in the 48 States of the American Union, all the West Indies islands, and the countries of South and Central America and Africa. These four million people are working to convert the rest of the four hundred million that are all over the world, and it is for this purpose, that we are asking you to join our land and to do the best you can to help us to bring about an emancipated race.

If anything praiseworthy is to be done, it must be done through unity, and it is for that reason that the Universal Negro Improvement Association calls upon every Negro in the United States to rally to this standard. We want to unite the Negro race in this country. We want every Negro to work for one common object, that of building a nation of his own on the great continent of Africa. That all Negroes all over the world are working for the establishment of a government in Africa means that it will be realized in another few years.

We want the moral and financial support of every Negro to make this dream a possibility. Our race, this organization, has established itself in Nigeria, West Africa, and it endeavors to do all possible to develop that Negro country to become a great industrial and commercial commonwealth.

Pioneers have been sent by this organization to Nigeria, and they are now laying the foundations upon which the four hundred million Negroes of the world will build. If you believe that the Negro has a soul, if you believe that the Negro is a man, if you believe the Negro was endowed with the senses commonly given to other men by the Creator, then you must acknowledge that what other men have done, Negroes can do. We want to build up cities, nations, governments, industries of our own in Africa, so that we will be able to have a chance to rise from the lowest to the highest position in the African Commonwealth.

[Source: Marcus Garvey, “Explanation of the Objects of the Universal Negro Improvement Association” (1921), Marcus Garvey and the UNIA Papers Project at the University of California, Los Angeles. Available online via History Matters (http://historymatters.gmu.edu/d/5124).]

2

Student

Course

Date

Chief Joseph Surrender

The surrender of Chief Joseph was motivated by the need to have the people around him secure and protect them from the consequences of a never-ending war. Joseph had a realization due to the rage of a group of Nez Percé men, who had lost their homeland and the killing of some white settlers living in the Salmon River area (Konoki, 2017). Therefore, chief Joseph post-surrender goals are anchored on the need of providing their people safety which will be achieved by having a peaceful coexistence with the people they share ordinary jurisdiction. The aim correlates to the traditional American dream of making the nation safe to the Americans by engaging in diplomatic actions to ensure the government protects its people at all costs.

Reference

Konoki, T. (2017). Accepting the “Defeat” in Robert Penn Warren’s Chief Joseph of the Nez Perce.

https://ous.repo.nii.ac.jp/?action=repository_action_common_download&item_id=2206&item_no=1&attribute_id=21&file_no=1

2

Student

Course

Date

The Gospel of Wealth

According to Andrew Carnegie, any philanthropic work done by wealthy people must be undertaken in direct charity instead of money since the poor can squander money in the event it is given to them. Thereby, Andrew Carnegie is correct since the poor are living in desperate conditions. When they are not guided or provided with what they need, they may fail to recognize their plight and prioritize things to change their fortunes (Carnegie, 2020). Hence, the philanthropist of the present days follows the same guidance to offer direct charity instead of monetary assistance, which may end up squandered before the poor get the resources’ value. Therefore, such philanthropists are involved in social welfare programs that aim to change people’s livelihood, such as the act of Carnegie.

Reference

Carnegie, A. (2020). The gospel of wealth. Good Press.

2

Lynching

According to journalist Ida B. Wells-Barnet, lynching in the US occurs due to the barbaric actions that the white communities have towards people of color that pose an act of slavery to discriminate against the people. Lynching is devastating since it leads to murder; thereby, there is no persuasion to convince people that lynching is a correctional act against humanity. People who are practicing the act are against any human rights and privileges (Stuart, 2020). Therefore, the article emphasizes the hardship the people of color had to undergo in the 1900s. It is due to the discriminatory acts they were subjected to with the Caucasian Americans. Hence, it is prudent to note that lynching is not a means that people can use to punish misdeeds within the societies where people live.

Reference

Stuart, P. H. (2020). From the archives: Ida B. Wells-Barnett confronts “excuses for lynching” in 1901. Journal of Community Practice, 28(3), 208-218.

https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/10705422.2020.1805220

Cuba

Latin America

Interview project

Rubric of how the project needs to be completed is attached

ATH 101 Final Project Part B Milestone Two Guidelines and Rubric

Overview: In this part of the final project, you will address the categories of cultural diversity, anthropological methods, cultural connections, and predictions of
how anthropology can be useful in a future crisis. Whether you choose to answer the final project interview questions in written or audio format, preparing a
written draft will help you formulate and strengthen your answers. This will also give you practice in learning to see the crisis situation that you chose from an
anthropological viewpoint and allow your instructor to give any feedback or suggestions to fortify your interview before your final project is due.

Prompt: Create an outline of your speaking notes for Final Project Part B (Interview Transcript or Recording). You must include all references that you use in
forming your answers in the APA citation style. You have already defined and discussed the significance of anthropology, so now you are prepared to jump into
the interview and really get at the heart of the crisis situation you have chosen. In this scenario, imagine that a reporter is asking you the questions listed below.
In crafting your response, you must address all the aspects of the question represented as “Your Response.” You will answer each piece titled “Your Response” to
ensure you are appropriately and accurately answering the question the reporter has posed. You may use the Final Project Part B Milestone Two Template
document as a framework for your submission.

Specifically, the following critical elements must be addressed in outline format:

I. Cultural Diversity: In this section, you will explain the importance of understanding and being sensitive to cultural diversity.
A. Reporter: What is so important that we understand cultural diversity in a time like this? Who cares if we’re all different? What does it matter

anyway?
1. Your Response: Provide an example of human sociocultural identity related to gender. For example, when many people think of

farmers, they think of males.
2. Your Response: Provide an example of human sociocultural identity related to human behavior. For example, when many people

think of children, they think of specific behaviors that they exhibit, such as crying, playing, or loving.
3. Your Response: Provide an example of human sociocultural identity related to animals. For example, when people think of geese,

they think of a flock.
B. Reporter: Human culture might seem more complex than I initially imagined, so how does it relate to the crisis we’ve witnessed here?

1. Your Response: Describe what some anthropologists can do to help when crises such as these occur. How are they able to navigate
crises, such as containing them and informing human cultures while balancing sensitivity to cultural beliefs and practices? What is
the importance of doing so?

II. Anthropological Methods: In this section, you will speak as though you are an anthropologist investigating the crisis. You will describe the
anthropological methods you would need to use to investigate the crisis, and explain how you believe people would react to you investigating the
crisis.

A. Reporter: Alright, can you explain to the audience how you came to this conclusion?
1. Your Response: Of the multiple research methods discussed throughout the course, such as excavation, ethnology, and ethnography,

select an appropriate method for investigating this crisis, and explain why this method is appropriate.

B. Reporter: How did these people let you study them? Why did they let you? You most likely upset them, right?
1. Your Response: What types of reactions might you receive from studying this group of people and gathering data by the ways you

described? Provide specific examples of both positive and negative reactions.
2. Your Response: Explain why an objective lens is important when studying a group of people. How might this lens help calm the fears

of the group of people you are studying?

III. Cultural Connections: In this section, you will make connections between cultural factors and the likelihood of the crisis occurring in your own
culture. If the crisis has already occurred in your own culture, explain how the specific cultural, biological, or environmental factors allowed this to
occur.

A. Reporter: Do you think this crisis could happen here, to us?
1. Your Response: Explain how specific cultural factors in your culture could or could not allow this crisis to occur, identifying specific

factors.
2. Your Response: Explain the how specific biological factors in your family could or could not allow this crisis to occur, identifying

specific factors.
3. Your Response: Explain how specific environmental factors in your environment could or could not allow this crisis to occur,

identifying specific factors.

IV. Predictions: In this section, you will explain how an anthropological perspective can assist in future crises.
A. Reporter: Do you think there is anything that could have informed these people of the crisis? I would hate to think that this could have been

recognized and prevented earlier.
1. Your Response: How can an anthropologist use people’s history to help change the future? Think specifically about the power and

importance of historical events, beliefs, and practices in relation to the present, providing real-world examples of the connection
between the past and present.

B. Reporter: Now, I can bet there are people at home that are scared. So, how can you as an anthropologist help in preventing this crisis from
happening to us?

1. Your Response: Explain the value of an anthological lens when creating preventive action plans. Specifically, why are an objective lens
and cultural sensitivity important when creating preventive action plans?

C. Reporter: Finally, do you still enjoy being an anthropologist throughout this apparent chaos? I mean, how has being an anthropologist helped
you out personally?

1. Your Response: How has anthropology helped you better understand the human condition, and how might this help you in your
personal and professional life?

Guidelines for Submission: You have the option of submitting an interview transcript or interview recording. Your outline should be a 2- to 3-page Microsoft
Word document with double spacing, 12-point Times New Roman font, and one-inch margins. Any sources should be cited according to APA style. If you choose
to submit an interview recording in place of the interview transcript, it must be 5 to 10 minutes in length and should be submitted using the Audio Feature in
Brightspace.

Critical Elements Proficient (100%) Needs Improvement (75%) Not Evident (0%) Value
Cultural Diversity:

Gender
Suggests an example of human
sociocultural identity using examples
related to gender

Suggests an example of human
sociocultural identity, but example is not
related to gender

Does not suggest an example of human
sociocultural identity using examples
related to gender

6

Cultural Diversity:
Human Behavior

Suggests an example of human
sociocultural identity using examples
related to human behavior

Suggests an example of human
sociocultural identity, but example is not
related to human behavior

Does not suggest an example of human
sociocultural identity using examples
related to human behavior

6

Cultural Diversity:
Animals

Suggests an example of human
sociocultural identity using examples
related to animals

Suggests an example of human
sociocultural identity, but example is not
related to animals

Does not suggest an example of human
sociocultural identity using examples
related to animals

6

Cultural Diversity:
Crises

Outlines how anthropologists can navigate
crises while balancing sensitivity to
cultural beliefs and practices, as well as
the importance of doing so

Outlines how anthropologists can navigate
crises while balancing sensitivity to
cultural beliefs and practices but does not
describe the importance

Does not outline how anthropologists can
navigate crises while balancing sensitivity
to cultural beliefs and practices

3.6

Anthropological
Methods:

Appropriate Method

Suggests an appropriate method for
investigating the crisis, explaining why this
method is appropriate

Suggests an appropriate method for
investigating the crisis but does not
outline why the method is appropriate

Does not suggest an appropriate method
for investigating the crisis

3.6

Anthropological
Methods: Reactions

Outlines the types of reactions that may
be received when studying the group of
people

Outlines the types of reactions that may
be received when studying the group of
people, with gaps in accuracy

Does not outline the types of reactions
that may be received when studying the
group of people

6

Anthropological
Methods: Objective

Lens

Outlines why an objective lens is
important when studying a group of
people and how it may help calm fears of
the people studied

Outlines why an objective lens is
important when studying a group of
people but does not outline how it may
help calm fears of the people studied

Does not outline why an objective lens is
important when studying a group of
people

6

Cultural Connections:
Cultural Factors

Explains how specific cultural factors could
or could not allow the crisis to occur,
identifying specific factors

Outlines how specific cultural factors
could or could not allow the crisis to
occur, but does not outline specific factors

Does not outline how specific cultural
factors could or could not allow the crisis
to occur

3.6

Cultural Connections:
Biological Factors

Outlines how specific biological factors
could or could not allow the crisis to
occur, identifying specific factors

Outlines how specific biological factors
could or could not allow the crisis to
occur, but does not identify specific
factors, or explanation has gaps in detail
or accuracy

Does not explain how specific biological
factors could or could not allow the crisis
to occur

3.6

Critical Elements Proficient (100%) Needs Improvement (75%) Not Evident (0%) Value
Cultural Connections:

Environmental
Factors

Outlines how specific environmental
factors could or could not allow the crisis
to occur, identifying specific factors

Outlines how specific environmental
factors could or could not allow the crisis
to occur, but does not identify specific
factors, or explanation has gaps in detail
or accuracy

Does not explain how specific
environmental factors could or could not
allow the crisis to occur

3.6

Predictions: History Outlines how an anthropologist can use
people’s history to help change the future,
providing real world examples that
connect the past to the present

Outlines how an anthropologist can use
people’s history to help change the future,
but does not provide real-world examples
that connect the past to the present, or
description has gaps in detail or accuracy

Does not describe how an anthropologist
can use people’s history to help change
the future

18

Predictions:
Preventive Action

Outlines why an objective lens and
cultural sensitivity are important when
creating preventive action plans

Outlines why an objective lens and
cultural sensitivity are important when
creating preventive action plans, with gaps
in detail or accuracy

Does not explain why an objective lens
and cultural sensitivity are important
when creating preventive action plans

6

Predictions: Personal
and Professional Life

Outlines the value of anthropology in
understanding the human condition, and
how it may help in the personal and
professional life

Outlines the value of anthropology in
understanding the human condition, but
not how it may help in the personal and
professional life, or explanation has gaps
in detail or accuracy

Does not explain the value of
anthropology in understanding the human
condition

18

Articulation of
Response

Submission has no major errors related to
citations, grammar, spelling, syntax, or
organization

Submission has major errors related to
citations, grammar, spelling, syntax, or
organization that negatively impact
readability and articulation of main ideas

Submission has critical errors related to
citations, grammar, spelling, syntax, or
organization that prevent understanding
of ideas

10

Total 100%

  • ATH 101 Final Project Part B Milestone Two Guidelines and Rubric

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Our nation now faces an unprecedented double crisis of a spreading,

History 149, Summer 2020: Final Essay

BE SURE TO READ ALL DIRECTIONS!

This includes those of you who didn’t read them for the first essay.

WHY YOU need to read the directions: Every semester someone fails to read through the directions and looses credit. DON’T let that happen to you. READ THEM!!

Due Date and How to Submit:

Your final graded essay will be due by Saturday, June 27th at 11:59 p.m. (This is a HARD deadline. Late papers will be penalized a half-letter grade. You may submit early.) You will submit it on Blackboard by clicking on the link above. That will allow you to upload your essay. You will be able to submit and withdraw your essay twice; on the third submission, you cannot remove it.

When you upload your essay, it MUST be in a word document, not a pdf, not a link to Google docs or Microsoft Office or any other platform. Otherwise, I can’t see it and you can’t get the SafeAssign report.

This site uses SafeAssign software to allow you to check for any issues of copying or paraphrasing incorrectly. The software pulls up word groups, and it can’t identify whether those occur in quotations or have proper citations. Make sure that you’ve footnoted or cited material correctly. You’ll have two opportunities to submit and remove your essay; on the third submission, you will not be able to remove it.

CHECK your SafeAssign report. Questions about it? Email me!

Citation Format:

Historians use the Chicago Style for citations, and our department requires all students taking History courses to try to use it as well. You’ll find guidelines under “Course Resources,” but here are a few essentials:

1. Rather than putting the name of the author at the end of the sentence (such as May 2013), Chicago uses Arabic numerals, with the explanation for those numbers at the bottom or the end of your text. (These are sequential – each time you have a citation, it takes a new number –1,2,3, and so on– even it’s the same source you’ve used before.)

2. Citations are in some form of author’s name, book or article, and publisher/journal, year. The reason we have such complete citations is that we use them to follow up on the material other historians have used.

The American Yawp uses Chicago style footnotes, so you can see how it is used there.

Your Directions:

Answer the question below. The essay should be approximately four to five pages, typed and double-spaced with 10 or 12 point type. Use normal margins, and be sure to spell-check and proofread your essay. Be sure that your name is on your paper.

Remember, you must provide a citation for material that is not original to you as a writer. That means (1) a quotation, (2) something that’s paraphrased, or (3) an idea outside of “common knowledge” that is not your own. IF you take material directly from another source, it MUST appear in quotation marks. IF you paraphrase and you’ve included three or more words from the original source in the original sequence, those words should also appear in quotation marks. [If, for example, the Digital Text uses the phrase “dogs, cats, rabbits and pigs” and you write dogs, cats, rabbits and hogs, “dogs, cats, rabbits” should have quotation marks.] You cannot use your own work that has previously been submitted for credit in this or another course. Paraphrasing is typically a dangerous practice, as you may stray into problems, so avoid it.

Also note that you cannot cite material that you have not seen yourself. Don’t use the citations in the American Yawp – or any other source – if you haven’t looked at the original material. You cannot use work of another student.

There are several guides about citations and plagiarism under Course Resources on the content bar at the left of Blackboard. Historians use the Chicago citation style, and the History department requires that all papers written in our courses use that style. You will find a “Quick Guide” to formats on Course Resources, and the Chicago “Quick Guide” as well.

Be sure that your essay is original to you, and that you’ve provided appropriate citations when necessary. The penalty for violations of Academic Honesty is a No Credit on the paper. You will not have the opportunity to rewrite or resubmit the paper. If you have questions about what or when to provide a citation, please email!

Finally — you CANNOT use material beyond those assigned for this course. Any essay which does will receive a one-letter grade reduction. (The reason for this is to focus you on our readings and making an argument. It should also prevent any time-consuming searches for an answer on the web.)

Did you read that? If not, go back and read it! That means YOU!

Some help:

First, think about the question and how you might answer it. You want to make an argument, not simply summarize material from the course. Short history essays such as this can often be written using a simple formula. You should have a thesis (providing the argument and direction for your essay) in the first or second paragraph. Follow that with examples developing that thesis in subsequent paragraphs. The conclusion should do more than restate your thesis. Explain to the reader why this argument/issue is important. Be sure to read over your paper before you submit it.

Plan ahead to use the Writing Center if you need to – their appointments can be limited by demand.

The Question:

Our nation now faces an unprecedented double crisis of a spreading, deadly virus and a crumbling economy. What events, developments, programs, or initiatives in American history since 1865 give us either (choose one, not all of these): (1) solutions; (2) reasons for optimism; or (3) reasons for pessimism as we face these problems?

In your essay, limit yourself to no more than three examples – one is fine, too. Just be sure to make a case using historical evidence for your choices – put simply, explain your examples for an intelligent friend who does not know this history.

Grading criteria:

1. Essay has a clear thesis.

2. Historical facts and information are used to support this thesis.

3. The author considers significant facts or interpretations which may undermine or challenge the thesis. (For instance, if you argue “all Americans are good,” you should think about evidence that contradicts that premise and consider whether and how to include it.)

4. Essay shows evidence of an understanding of historical changes.

5. Citations are in the Chicago format style.

6. Essay is completed on time.

7. Essay contains no significant errors of spelling, punctuation or grammar.